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Mainstream politicians on all sides agree on the threat, but critics say they should set example of unity themselves.
Iraqi politicians from across the ethnic and religious spectrum agree that a wave of attacks targeting Shia Iraqis this month appears to be a deliberate move by extremists to reignite the sectarian conflict of past years.
The “Islamic State of Iraq”, a Sunni militant group affiliated to al-Qaeda, has claimed responsibility for most of the serial bombings that have left over 150 people dead since the beginning of June.
The carnage began on June 4 with 24 dead and more than 120 injured when a suicide bomber detonated his vehicle at the Baghdad headquarters of the Shia Endowment, a body which manages religious sites across Iraq.
On June 13, about 75 people were killed and over 200 were wounded in a string of attacks across the country. Once again, most of the casualties were Shia Muslims.
The Islamic State of Iraq posted a statement describing this attack as “blessed Wednesday’s battle”, a “response to the crimes of the Shia government”, and a blow “in support of Sunni prisoners”.
Two car bombings in Baghdad on June 16 left 32 dead and at least 60 injured. This time the victims were pilgrims marking the anniversary of the death of Musa al-Kadhim, the seventh of the Twelve Imams of Shia Islam.
Then, two days later, a suicide bomber detonated his charges among the crowd at a Shia funeral in the city of Baquba in central Iraq, killing 25 people and injuring 40.
Iraq’s mainstream political groupings – whether Shia, Sunni or Kurdish – were in agreement on what the bombers were seeking to do.
As Maysun al-Damaloji, a spokesperson for the Sunni-backed Iraqiya bloc, described the attacks as “designed to sow ‘fitnah’ [discord] among Iraqis, especially since it coincided with the Imam Musa al-Kadhim pilgrimage”.
Damaloji had harsh words for the government and its armed forces, suggesting they had allowed a bad lapse in security to happen.
A spokesman for the Kurdish Alliance, Moayyad al-Tayyib, said in a statement emailed to IWPR, “We strongly condemn the bombings that targeted innocent civilians. We hold the security authorities partly responsible.”
Ali Shubbar, a Shia member of parliament, agreed that the bombings were intended as an incitement to sectarian conflict.
“The terrorists are trying to play a vicious game by using sectarianism as an instrument to achieve their plans, and by sowing hatred among Iraqis,” he said.
Shubbar said the government, which is dominated by Shia politicians, should not be held solely accountable for gaps in security. All political parties were “responsible for what goes on in this country”, he said.
The Shia, Sunni and Kurdish parties have been locked in dispute since December 2011, when the last American troops left Iraq. Power-sharing arrangements wore thin after Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki issued an arrest warrant against Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi – the most senior Sunni Arab politician in the country – on terrorism charges. (See Conflict Fears as Iraqi Power Balance Crumbles.)
As the dispute continues, Kurds have joined forces with Maliki’s political rivals to accuse him of autocratic methods. The prime minister could yet face a vote of no confidence in parliament.
Political analysts have expressed alarm about the serial bombings, which they fear could tip Iraq back into the kind of Shia-Sunni conflict that disfigured the country in the years following Saddam Hussein’s removal in 2003.
Osama Murtadha, a Baghdad-based analyst, believes the angry rhetoric of politicians fosters an environment conducive to bloodshed.
“In an atmosphere in which Shia and Sunni politicians fight each other, and Sunni insurgents announce they are bombing the Shia, sectarian conflict looks very likely,” he told IWPR.
“When one group strikes at another, the other one will not sit silently by – it will seek revenge. That is a human nature, and that is what we fear.”
He concluded, “This country’s leaders need to become aware of what’s going on in their homeland before time runs out. Once shed, blood cannot be restored.”
(Other stories on this issue: Shia Casualties Rise After American Withdrawal ; Iraq: Sectarian Violence Fears in Diyala )
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq. Khalid Waleed is an Iraqi freelance journalist trained by IWPR. Mohammed al-Zaidi, also an IWPR-trained reporter, contributed additional reporting.
(Other stories on this issue: Shia Casualties Rise After American Withdrawal ; Iraq: Sectarian Violence Fears in Diyala )
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq. Khalid Waleed is an Iraqi freelance journalist trained by IWPR. Mohammed al-Zaidi, also an IWPR-trained reporter, contributed additional reporting.
Mainstream politicians on all sides agree on the threat, but critics say they should set example of unity themselves.
Iraqi politicians from across the ethnic and religious spectrum agree that a wave of attacks targeting Shia Iraqis this month appears to be a deliberate move by extremists to reignite the sectarian conflict of past years.
The “Islamic State of Iraq”, a Sunni militant group affiliated to al-Qaeda, has claimed responsibility for most of the serial bombings that have left over 150 people dead since the beginning of June.
The carnage began on June 4 with 24 dead and more than 120 injured when a suicide bomber detonated his vehicle at the Baghdad headquarters of the Shia Endowment, a body which manages religious sites across Iraq.
On June 13, about 75 people were killed and over 200 were wounded in a string of attacks across the country. Once again, most of the casualties were Shia Muslims.
The Islamic State of Iraq posted a statement describing this attack as “blessed Wednesday’s battle”, a “response to the crimes of the Shia government”, and a blow “in support of Sunni prisoners”.
Two car bombings in Baghdad on June 16 left 32 dead and at least 60 injured. This time the victims were pilgrims marking the anniversary of the death of Musa al-Kadhim, the seventh of the Twelve Imams of Shia Islam.
Then, two days later, a suicide bomber detonated his charges among the crowd at a Shia funeral in the city of Baquba in central Iraq, killing 25 people and injuring 40.
Iraq’s mainstream political groupings – whether Shia, Sunni or Kurdish – were in agreement on what the bombers were seeking to do.
As Maysun al-Damaloji, a spokesperson for the Sunni-backed Iraqiya bloc, described the attacks as “designed to sow ‘fitnah’ [discord] among Iraqis, especially since it coincided with the Imam Musa al-Kadhim pilgrimage”.
Damaloji had harsh words for the government and its armed forces, suggesting they had allowed a bad lapse in security to happen.
A spokesman for the Kurdish Alliance, Moayyad al-Tayyib, said in a statement emailed to IWPR, “We strongly condemn the bombings that targeted innocent civilians. We hold the security authorities partly responsible.”
Ali Shubbar, a Shia member of parliament, agreed that the bombings were intended as an incitement to sectarian conflict.
“The terrorists are trying to play a vicious game by using sectarianism as an instrument to achieve their plans, and by sowing hatred among Iraqis,” he said.
Shubbar said the government, which is dominated by Shia politicians, should not be held solely accountable for gaps in security. All political parties were “responsible for what goes on in this country”, he said.
The Shia, Sunni and Kurdish parties have been locked in dispute since December 2011, when the last American troops left Iraq. Power-sharing arrangements wore thin after Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki issued an arrest warrant against Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi – the most senior Sunni Arab politician in the country – on terrorism charges. (See Conflict Fears as Iraqi Power Balance Crumbles.)
As the dispute continues, Kurds have joined forces with Maliki’s political rivals to accuse him of autocratic methods. The prime minister could yet face a vote of no confidence in parliament.
Political analysts have expressed alarm about the serial bombings, which they fear could tip Iraq back into the kind of Shia-Sunni conflict that disfigured the country in the years following Saddam Hussein’s removal in 2003.
Osama Murtadha, a Baghdad-based analyst, believes the angry rhetoric of politicians fosters an environment conducive to bloodshed.
“In an atmosphere in which Shia and Sunni politicians fight each other, and Sunni insurgents announce they are bombing the Shia, sectarian conflict looks very likely,” he told IWPR.
“When one group strikes at another, the other one will not sit silently by – it will seek revenge. That is a human nature, and that is what we fear.”
He concluded, “This country’s leaders need to become aware of what’s going on in their homeland before time runs out. Once shed, blood cannot be restored.”
(Other stories on this issue: Shia Casualties Rise After American Withdrawal ; Iraq: Sectarian Violence Fears in Diyala )
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq. Khalid Waleed is an Iraqi freelance journalist trained by IWPR. Mohammed al-Zaidi, also an IWPR-trained reporter, contributed additional reporting.
(Other stories on this issue: Shia Casualties Rise After American Withdrawal ; Iraq: Sectarian Violence Fears in Diyala )
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq. Khalid Waleed is an Iraqi freelance journalist trained by IWPR. Mohammed al-Zaidi, also an IWPR-trained reporter, contributed additional reporting.
Despite recent history of violence, Sunni Arab and Kurdish politicians in Nineveh are beginning to cooperate.
Residents of Iraq’s volatile Nineveh province say they are cautiously optimistic that their lives will get better because Sunni Arab and Kurdish politicians have decided to work with rather than against one another.
After Iraqi president Saddam Hussein was ousted in 2003, this northern province became one of the most dangerous places in the country, despite American, Iraqi and Kurdish efforts to crush the Sunni insurgents and al-Qaeda militants who made Nineveh their base.
Security is still a serious issue, along with poor public services and high unemployment, and residents blame many of the problems on continued animosity between local Sunni Arab and Kurdish leaders.
The Arabs have accused Kurdish leaders and their “peshmerga” troops of abuses and discrimination against non-Kurds. They have also accused the Kurdish authorities of seeking to incorporate Nineveh into the Kurdistan Region to the north.
Kurdish politicians argue that it is their community that has been persecuted, and that Sunni Arab insurgents have killed several thousand of them in the provincial capital Mosul in recent years.
Sunni Arabs make up the majority of Nineveh’s population, while the Kurds are the largest minority group there.
In the local elections held in 2005, Kurds gained 31 of the 41 seats on the provincial council, giving them control over local politics and security. In the 2009 elections, power swung towards the Sunni Arab population, whose representatives won 22 of 37 council seats.
Kurdish council members subsequently boycotted local government, a move which obstructed development plans for Nineveh.
Despite these frictions, signs emerged last month that relations between the two groups might be improving.
In a step aimed at reducing tension, provincial governor Atheel al-Nujaifi, a Sunni Arab, moved to give Kurdish council members a greater say. While the distribution of council seats will remain the same, decisions will now be reached by consensus rather than a straight vote.
“The differences of the past have disappeared,” Nujaifi said. “A positive relationship with the Kurds will be good for Nineveh’s people – both groups can now cooperate to provide a better standard of living for the people.”
The governor insisted that Sunni Arab interests had not been compromised by the change.
“We have not abandoned the rights of our people,” he said.
Dindar Abdullah, the Kurdish deputy head of the provincial council, said everyone in Nineveh stood to benefit from reconciliation.
“The interests of the people demand reconciliation among politicians,” he said. “This reconciliation will be good for all of the province’s citizens, whether they are Arabs, Kurds, Christian or anything else.”
Nineveh is one of Iraq’s most diverse provinces, and its population also includes Assyrian Christians, Yazidis, Shabaks and other minority groups.
The province is often beset by electricity shortages during the summer months, but in early June the Kurdish Regional Govt announced that it would provide power during this period.
Nujaifi attributed this offer to the political changes on the provincial council.
“This step is a consequence of the good relationship with the Kurds,” he said.
Residents of Nineveh representing various ethnic and religious groups expressed hope that officials might now tackle some of the province’s other problems.
“Officials will now work on setting up projects in the province instead of being preoccupied with arguments,” Younis Saleh, a 34-year-old Sunni Arab shopkeeper, predicted.
Mervat Abdul Qadir, a 27-year-old Kurdish teacher, believes that recent political developments may mark a turning-point in the province’s troubled recent history.
“I am optimistic that the time of violence is over. We will probably get better electricity this summer,” she said.
Yunadim Tawfiq, a 56-year-old Christian civil servant, said people in Nineveh were able to get along despite ethnic differences, so their elected representatives should learn to do the same,
“When politicians become peaceful, our lives will become calm,” he said. “We Christians, Kurds and Arabs all live together; let them try to live together like us.”
Tawfiq also warned, however, that divisions among Nineveh’s political leaders could easily resurface.
“Anything could provoke one of them to become frustrated with another of them,” Tawfiq said. “Then what will happen? There will be more tensions and more arguments between them, and much more violence and hard times for us.”
Some analysts argue that Nineveh has set a precedent for how rival groups in diverse ethnic areas can cooperate.
“Leaders should coexist peacefully and teach their people how to do so,” Osama Murtadha, a Baghdad-based political analyst, said. “Fortunately they have started doing it in Nineveh, although it’s taken a long time for officials there to learn that lesson. Fighting results in nothing but blood, death and destruction, not the prosperity, good standard of living and other things that people dream of.”
Despite the more optimistic mood, Mosul is still the scene of recurring violence. Two civilians and a policeman were killed in a rocket attack on the city’s police headquarters on June 5, AFP news agency reported. The same day, two Iraqi army soldiers were killed and three civilians injured when an explosion targeted a military patrol in the city’s Rabia area.
Ahmed Younis, Khalid Waleed and Mustafa Mohammed are IWPR-trained reporters in Iraq.
Rival supporters of leading religious figures accused of attacks on each other.
Clashes between supporters of two prominent Shia clerics in Iraq have spread from Nasiriya in the southern province of Dhi Kar to other parts of the country, as Baghdad struggles to calm tensions between them.
The trouble began on February 17, when a recently-opened office of Shia cleric Mahmoud al-Hasani al-Sarkhi was set on fire. The office was located in a part of Dhi Kar dominated by followers of the country’s most revered Shia scholar, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.
The violence has escalated since them, with attacks on individuals as well as buildings.
In the most recent incident, a car belonging to Sheikh Ahmed al-Ansari, Sistani’s envoy in the southern Maysan province, was targeted by a bomb last week. On April 3, an explosive device was planted outside the house of Sistani representative Sheikh Hasan al-Khamasi in Hilla, 100 kilometres south of Baghdad.
Other figures close to Sistani have been attacked in Baghdad, Karbala, Muthanna, Babil, Qadisiyya, Najaf, Dhi Qar and Basra.
Meanwhile, Sarkhi’s offices in Karbala, Najaf, Qadisiyya, and Basra have been bombed, and other centres in Maysan, Dhi Qar, Babil and Muthanna set on fire.
Mohammed al-Yaseri, a spokesman for Sarkhi, claimed that Sistani’s followers had been rabble-rousing against the cleric.
“The first fire in our Nasiriya office was started by Sistani’s followers, who were incited by their clerics in the [Dhi Qar] province,” he said.
Yaseri said Sistani supporters were trying to push Sarkhi allies out in the province. “They don’t want us there, because the number of our followers is increasing rapidly, and they are afraid of losing supporters to our cause.”
Sources close to Sistani denied the accusations, noting that he was highly -respected by the country’s religious figures.
“Each cleric has his own followers – that is not in dispute,” Habib al-Khatib, a Sistani representatives, told IWPR, adding that the ayatollah had ordered his followers to pursue “reconciliation with others” and to refrain from violence against fellow-Iraqis.
Sarkhi and Sistani have in the past disagreed on ideological matters, with the former supporting armed struggle against American troops when they were still present in Iraq, and opposing both past governments and elections. Sistani has taken a more moderate position, encouraging his followers to work towards full sovereignty by peaceful means.
The core of the dispute, however, comes down to which of them is the more eminent Shia figure.
Despite Sistani’s position, and undoubted influence, as the senior Shia figure in Iraq, Sarkhi has claimed he is the higher authority.
Sarkhi has spoken out against Iranian influence in Iraq, and played up his own Iraqi origins in contrast to Sistani’s roots in Iran.
For his part, Sistani is thought to be concerned about Sarkhi’s apparent attempt to portray himself as something akin to a Shia saviour.
Sarkhi has never given an interview and remains distant even from his followers. This echoes a Shia prophecy that their redeemer is in hiding and will emerge from seclusion one day to dominate the entire world.
“We have tried to reach out to him, speak to him, and find out what his views are in the hope of solving this dispute,” Ghaith al-Tememi, head of the Religious Rapprochement Centre, which attempts to bring diverse religious groups together, said. “But his representatives have told me it is not possible [to meet him], even for them.”
Sarkhi’s representatives denied that he saw himself as a Shia saviour, explaining that his apparent aloofness was due to his busy schedule.
The clashes between the two groupings have alarmed the Iraqi government – itself dominated by Shia politicians – and it has ordered efforts to work towards resolving the conflict and preventing it from spreading further.
Baghdad is keenly aware of the difficulty of trying to contain sectarian violence, and will remember the trouble caused by armed followers of another Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who fought both American and Iraqi troops in the years following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
Amer al-Khozaei, head of the National Reconciliation Committee, one of the institutions called upon to ease tensions, said his organisation was talking to both sides and trying to find a solution.
Tememi, meanwhile, acknowledged that it was proving difficult to make headway.
“Although we’ve taken early action to contain this crisis, it is no easy mission,” he said. “The two sides share the same residential areas, and there are large numbers of them.”
Osama Murtadha, an expert on Iraqi communities and politics, said that disagreement was a normal part of any healthy society, but that many Iraqis – particularly the less educated among them – did not understand this.
“When they hear their leaders disagreeing, they think they should do the same as a way of expressing loyalty to those leaders,” he said. “It is the duty of those leaders not to highlight their differences, in order to prevent people losing their lives.”
Khalid Waleed is an IWPR-trained journalist. Ali al-Allaq, a freelance reporter in southern Iraq, and Emad al-Shara, a local editor in Baghdad, contributed reporting.
Enhancing financial management forms part of efforts to build female-run advertising and design agency.
A five-day course in financial management held at IWPR’s Baghdad office in February was the latest in a series of workshops designed to get more Iraqi women into advertising, design and management.
The February 19-23 course for 16 trainees was part of the Women Advertising and Design Agency project, launched in October 2011. Its ultimate aim is for participants to set up the first independent advertising and media agency that is both run and owned by women.
Previous training events have focused on graphic design, image editing, photography and lighting, direction, and management training. In total, 100 female participants selected from all over Iraq will attend one or several of the modular courses, which will also cover advertising and copywriting.
In turn, each of the group will be able to provide training for other women hoping to break into the advertising sector.
Following the latest training course, which focused on financial management, participants said they came away with valuable new skills.
“This is an amazing course in terms of using the right tools to convey the essentials,” said Elaf Mahdi, a 22-year-old media student, adding that the information packed into five days was equivalent to years of study.
Raya Mufid, 29, has a master’s degree in physics but is currently unemployed, and is now confident her new management skills will help her find a job.
“I used to spend days on end with no goal or target, but now that I have a clear picture of what I want to do, I can set aside time for my family, for myself and for my objectives,” she said.
The course was delivered by Abdullah Hikmat, a leading Iraqi professor of economics and management. He said the trainees’ attitude and passion left him optimistic about their futures.
“All the trainees were positive and responded well,” he said. “They seemed eager to learn new things and acquire extra skills.”
Farah Ali is IWPR Iraq’s editorial coordinator and translator, based in Baghdad.
Enhancing financial management forms part of efforts to build female-run advertising and design agency.
A five-day course in financial management held at IWPR’s Baghdad office in February was the latest in a series of workshops designed to get more Iraqi women into advertising, design and management.
The February 19-23 course for 16 trainees was part of the Women Advertising and Design Agency project, launched in October 2011. Its ultimate aim is for participants to set up the first independent advertising and media agency that is both run and owned by women.
Previous training events have focused on graphic design, image editing, photography and lighting, direction, and management training. In total, 100 female participants selected from all over Iraq will attend one or several of the modular courses, which will also cover advertising and copywriting.
In turn, each of the group will be able to provide training for other women hoping to break into the advertising sector.
Following the latest training course, which focused on financial management, participants said they came away with valuable new skills.
“This is an amazing course in terms of using the right tools to convey the essentials,” said Elaf Mahdi, a 22-year-old media student, adding that the information packed into five days was equivalent to years of study.
Raya Mufid, 29, has a master’s degree in physics but is currently unemployed, and is now confident her new management skills will help her find a job.
“I used to spend days on end with no goal or target, but now that I have a clear picture of what I want to do, I can set aside time for my family, for myself and for my objectives,” she said.
The course was delivered by Abdullah Hikmat, a leading Iraqi professor of economics and management. He said the trainees’ attitude and passion left him optimistic about their futures.
“All the trainees were positive and responded well,” he said. “They seemed eager to learn new things and acquire extra skills.”
Farah Ali is IWPR Iraq’s editorial coordinator and translator, based in Baghdad.
This legislation is designed to regulate journalistic activities in Iraq. President Jalal Talabani says the law stems from a wish to respect “freedom of the press and expression, as well as guaranteeing the rights of Iraqi journalists… and their important role in making democracy a reality in the new Iraq”.
There were high hopes that this law would protect Iraqi journalists from intimidation and harassment by officials, and lead to greater freedom of expression. However, many on the Iraqi media scene worry that the law will actually serve to restrict freedom of speech.
When it was in draft form, the bill was criticised for applying only to members of the Iraqi Journalists’ Syndicate, IJS, a publicly-funded trade union closely associated with the government. Anyone not a member of the IJS would have been excluded. However, when the law was finally passed – it has been in place since August 2011 – this was among several points amended from the earlier version, so that a journalist is now defined as “any individual practicing a full-time journalism job”.
However, concerns remain that this still excludes citizen journalists and bloggers, who have played an important role in building the modern Iraqi media.
The law also states that journalists cannot be arrested or interrogated without a warrant and without their place of employment being alerted about the alleged violation, although there is no provision for legal aid.
But benefits such as pension rights and eligibility for compensation for injuries received in the line of work still only apply to members of the IJS.
Although the law mainly affects those working in the media, it is likely to affect the flow of information.
The document contains sweeping statements such as article four, which says that “journalists have the right to obtain information, news, data and statistics which are not restricted, from various sources, and have the right to publish them in accordance with the law”. But it does not spell out what “not restricted” or “in accordance with the law” mean, even though a journalist who is deemed to have contravened these loose definitions can be taken to court. This has led to warnings that journalists could find their freedom restricted.
While the 15,000-strong IJS backs the law, other groups like the Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ, and the Iraqi Journalistic Freedoms Observatory, JFO, say the vague terminology offers little legal protection.
Reporters Without Borders has described the law as “pointless at best and dangerous at worst”.
Iraq is still a very dangerous place for journalists to work, and critics say the media law falls far short of providing them with any real protection.
Media workers say they have seen no tangible benefits since the law was enacted. As of January 1, the JFO had recorded 15 violations of the rights of journalists working in Iraq, and said the new law had not been used to address these violations. The most recent case was on November 24, 2011, when a journalist was severely beaten and hospitalised in Diwaniya.
Journalists say they have not pressed for the law to be invoked because they have no confidence that it will be applied in their favour.
Funds to become more readily available after story on concerns of Iraqis living in Syria.
Iraqi migration officials have been prompted to change their policy on helping citizens return to the country by an IWPR report that highlighted the difficulties facing refugees in Syria.
After reading the article Iraqi Refugees in Syria Fear For Future, officials in Baghdad decided to expedite payments to people wanting to return to Iraq.
In 2008, the Iraqi government launched a financial aid programme to help the more than two million refugees who left the country after the 2003 United States-led invasion to return home. According to the United Nations refugee agency UNHCR, half of all Iraqis seeking asylum abroad went to Syria, and nine out of ten refugees in that country are from Iraq.
The deputy minister for migration and displacement, Asghar al-Mosawi, read about the situation facing Iraqi nationals in Syria, in a piece he said stood out for its “simplicity and emotional images”.
As a result, he said, the return and resettlement process would be accelerated so that people could get back to Iraq as soon as possible.
“After reviewing the report, we decided to make more resources available, and to ensure that the money gets to Iraqi families quickly and urgently,” he told IWPR.
Mosawi’s ministry has also sent a team into Syria to work with Baghdad’s embassy and award grants to Iraqi nationals.
Over 6,000 people have been killed in Syria since unrest began in March 2011, according to the United Nations.
Many Iraqis living there anticipate a bloody sectarian war similar to the conflict after Saddam Hussein’s removal in 2003. Nevertheless, some remain uncertain about returning to face continuing instability in Iraq, especially since the withdrawal of US troops in December was followed by an escalation in attacks on civilians.
Iraqi government efforts to encourage people to return have faced criticism, but the migration ministry says this programme is under review following publication of the IWPR story.
“We have taken this [IWPR] report into account…. Sometimes such reports suggest better solutions than the ones we have in mind,” he said, adding that officials sometimes “unintentionally forget about such matters”.
Liqaa Wardi, who chairs the parliamentary committee that oversees the migration and displacement ministry, said, “We hope that getting such reports containing neutral facts and information will help us find solutions.”
Khalid Waleed is an IWPR-trained journalist. Abeer Mohammad is IWPR editor for Iraq.
Analysts say low attendance reflects neighbours’ tensions with Iraq.
While Iraq hoped the high-profile Arab League summit in Baghdad last week would mark a step forward in relations with its neighbours, observers say many regional states used the event to snub the government.
Although officials declared the event a success, only ten leaders from the 22 Arab League member states turned up. Apart from Kuwait, no Gulf state was represented at a high level. Saudi Arabia and Oman merely sent their Cairo-based Arab League ambassadors.
Ali al-Mosawi, a media advisor to the Iraqi government, played down the low level of attendance, describing the summit as a “success” which marked “a positive step towards improving relations with other Arab countries”.
“It does not matter how they were represented,” he added. “What matters is that they sent representatives.”
Following the December 2011 US withdrawal, Baghdad was hoping the summit would herald a significant improvement of ties with the Arab world, damaged by Saddam Hussein’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait and further hampered by the prolonged presence of foreign troops in Iraq.
Hopes that this would come about were raised in advance when Saudi Arabia and Oman appointed non-resident ambassadors to Baghdad, and the Saudis signed a long-awaited prisoner exchange treaty. Baghdad also recently agreed to pay over 400 million US dollars in compensation to around 640,000 Egyptians who fled the country following the first Gulf war
Ahead of the event, the biggest worry for Iraqi officials appeared to be security. They announce that the venue would be protected by 100,000 personnel and 100 aircraft.
But the no-show by Gulf state leaders was attributed to more complex reasons than fragile security. Experts in regional politics said the poor turnout amounted to a diplomatic snub, calculated to play down the importance of the Baghdad meeting.
“In public, it might be attributed to the country’s security situation, but in fact more veiled issues are the real reasons, mostly differences in attitudes towards regional issues such as Syria and Bahrain,” regional affairs analyst Hamid Fadhel said.
Syrian president Bashar al-Assad was not invited to the summit as his country’s Arab League membership has been suspended.
Baghdad’s stance on the Syrian uprising has been more measured than that of Gulf states, promoting dialogue with Damascus while others like Saudi Arabia pushed for intervention.
Iraqhas also been more critical than others of Bahrain’s Sunni rulers and their crackdown against the Shia majority.
“They [Gulf states] seized on the summit as an opportunity to show their disapproval,” Fadhel said. “Such low-profile representation in a summit hosted by Shia Iraq was the best way, at the best time, to send such a message, suggesting that their non-attendance made the meeting a failure.”
Qatar, for instance, made it clear that it disapproved of the way Sunni Arab minority was being treated by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s government.
Speaking to Al-Jazeera television on the eve of the summit. Qatari prime minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr al-Thani said, “Qatar wants the Iraqi government to resolve disputes in a way that unites Iraqi people and gives everyone their rights through a dialogue involving all parties,”
Two days after the summit ended, Qatar extended an invitation to Iraq’s fugitive Sunni vice-president Tariq al-Hashemi, who had sought refuge in the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan following an arrest warrant issued on terrorism charges.
Fadhel interpreted the invitation as a form of retaliation for previous Iraqi condemnations of the treatment of Shia Muslims in Sunni-led countries, Bahrain in particular.
In response, Iraqi officials denounced any interference in its internal affairs. Commenting on the Qatari actions, al-Mosawi said that “just as Iraq does not interfere in the internal affairs of others, we expect the same in return”.
Others argued that Gulf states were concerned that Iraq was gaining too much influence, with its emerging democracy and good relations with both the United States and Iran,.
Ibrahim al-Sumaidaie, a Baghdad-based analyst, said Gulf rulers saw the emergence of a “democratic state, in a region [whose people are] displaying an appetite for democracy, as a threat to them”.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR Iraq editor. Khalid Walid, an IWPR-trained journalist, contributed reporting for this story.
Analysts say low attendance reflects neighbours’ tensions with Iraq.
While Iraq hoped the high-profile Arab League summit in Baghdad last week would mark a step forward in relations with its neighbours, observers say many regional states used the event to snub the government.
Although officials declared the event a success, only ten leaders from the 22 Arab League member states turned up. Apart from Kuwait, no Gulf state was represented at a high level. Saudi Arabia and Oman merely sent their Cairo-based Arab League ambassadors.
Ali al-Mosawi, a media advisor to the Iraqi government, played down the low level of attendance, describing the summit as a “success” which marked “a positive step towards improving relations with other Arab countries”.
“It does not matter how they were represented,” he added. “What matters is that they sent representatives.”
Following the December 2011 US withdrawal, Baghdad was hoping the summit would herald a significant improvement of ties with the Arab world, damaged by Saddam Hussein’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait and further hampered by the prolonged presence of foreign troops in Iraq.
Hopes that this would come about were raised in advance when Saudi Arabia and Oman appointed non-resident ambassadors to Baghdad, and the Saudis signed a long-awaited prisoner exchange treaty. Baghdad also recently agreed to pay over 400 million US dollars in compensation to around 640,000 Egyptians who fled the country following the first Gulf war
Ahead of the event, the biggest worry for Iraqi officials appeared to be security. They announce that the venue would be protected by 100,000 personnel and 100 aircraft.
But the no-show by Gulf state leaders was attributed to more complex reasons than fragile security. Experts in regional politics said the poor turnout amounted to a diplomatic snub, calculated to play down the importance of the Baghdad meeting.
“In public, it might be attributed to the country’s security situation, but in fact more veiled issues are the real reasons, mostly differences in attitudes towards regional issues such as Syria and Bahrain,” regional affairs analyst Hamid Fadhel said.
Syrian president Bashar al-Assad was not invited to the summit as his country’s Arab League membership has been suspended.
Baghdad’s stance on the Syrian uprising has been more measured than that of Gulf states, promoting dialogue with Damascus while others like Saudi Arabia pushed for intervention.
Iraqhas also been more critical than others of Bahrain’s Sunni rulers and their crackdown against the Shia majority.
“They [Gulf states] seized on the summit as an opportunity to show their disapproval,” Fadhel said. “Such low-profile representation in a summit hosted by Shia Iraq was the best way, at the best time, to send such a message, suggesting that their non-attendance made the meeting a failure.”
Qatar, for instance, made it clear that it disapproved of the way Sunni Arab minority was being treated by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s government.
Speaking to Al-Jazeera television on the eve of the summit. Qatari prime minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr al-Thani said, “Qatar wants the Iraqi government to resolve disputes in a way that unites Iraqi people and gives everyone their rights through a dialogue involving all parties,”
Two days after the summit ended, Qatar extended an invitation to Iraq’s fugitive Sunni vice-president Tariq al-Hashemi, who had sought refuge in the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan following an arrest warrant issued on terrorism charges.
Fadhel interpreted the invitation as a form of retaliation for previous Iraqi condemnations of the treatment of Shia Muslims in Sunni-led countries, Bahrain in particular.
In response, Iraqi officials denounced any interference in its internal affairs. Commenting on the Qatari actions, al-Mosawi said that “just as Iraq does not interfere in the internal affairs of others, we expect the same in return”.
Others argued that Gulf states were concerned that Iraq was gaining too much influence, with its emerging democracy and good relations with both the United States and Iran,.
Ibrahim al-Sumaidaie, a Baghdad-based analyst, said Gulf rulers saw the emergence of a “democratic state, in a region [whose people are] displaying an appetite for democracy, as a threat to them”.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR Iraq editor. Khalid Walid, an IWPR-trained journalist, contributed reporting for this story.
As Sunni Islamists gain political power, minority faiths are likely to be vulnerable.
Abeer Mohammed
IWPR Iraq Editor
Protests in the Arab world seem to be moving from the ideal of establishing democracy towards increasing polarisation and sectarianism in the region.
A year on from the Arab Spring, the Islamists have become more powerful because of the popularity that religious political parties – both Sunni and Shia – enjoy among their respective communities. Shifts in the ruling systems of various countries appear to point the same way – the rise of Islamist movements from the dominant faith group to a position of leadership.
Recent elections in Tunisia and Egypt put Sunni Islamist parties ahead. Protests in Morocco led to reforms which resulted in greater power for Sunni Islamist movements, and a similar outcome is expected in Libya. In time, Yemen may also follow suit. The low-key protests which erupt from time to time in Jordan are also led by Islamist groups, mainly Sunni.
Unlike secular parties which separate religion from politics, Sunni and Shia political movement see these matters as two sides of the same coin. Religion is seen as the route to establishing the right way of life, and politics is viewed as a means to enact religious ideals, with no boundaries between the two spheres.
Leaving aside other faiths, the two main schools of Islam do not share a common ideology. Sunni and Shia Islamists are keen to keep within their own religious beliefs, which differ from or even contradict the other group’s beliefs. An example of this is the ritual public display of grief among Shia Muslims for the death of Imam Hussein, including weeping and self-flagellation. This is regarded as “haram” or “forbidden” by Sunnis. Were a Sunni lslamist leadership to ban or denigrate such practices, it would increase sectarian divisions.
It is hardly surprising that Sunni and Shia communities are divided – the tensions began 14 centuries ago. And just as sectarian disputes stretch back through history, ties among each faith community have no respect for borders.
Recent events seem to point to a future in which the region is made up of states in which states with either a Shia or a Sunni majority population are run by governments controlled by the dominant faith group. Across the region, there is not one country that is exclusively Sunni or Shia, so this prospect heightens the risk of conflict as new disputes combine with centuries-old grievances.
In Iraq, the Shia majority took power from the Sunni-dominated regime of Saddam Hussein. In neighbouring Syria, the Sunni majority feels unfairly treated under the rule of the Allawi minority. The same sense of persecution is experienced by the Shia in Bahrain, where they form the majority. Protests continue in Bahrain, and are a cause for concern in Sunni Gulf states, especially with regard to the role of Iran as a Shia-led external player.
A Sunni Islamist satellite channel recently announced a “jihad” against Shia throughout the region, while radical Shia say prophecies predict that they will one day inherit all Muslim lands including now under Sunni control. Such ideological positions only increase the chances of conflict if radicals from either side gain power.
With the likes of the Shia Hezbollah militia in Lebanon and the Sunni Palestinian movement Hamas – both backed by Iran – as well as other smaller insurgent groups scattered across the Middle East and North Africa, the scene is so complex that an armed conflict in one part of the region is likely to spread widely and rapidly.
Democracy is supposed to ease sectarian tensions rather than exacerbate them, and the value it places on human rights should translate into respect for all minorities. But in the fragile systems we are seeing emerge in the region, minority rights will not be automatically protected, and there is a danger that the Arab Spring will lead instead to sectarian violence.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq.
The views expressed in this article are not necessarily the views of IWPR.
As Sunni Islamists gain political power, minority faiths are likely to be vulnerable.
Abeer Mohammed
IWPR Iraq Editor
Protests in the Arab world seem to be moving from the ideal of establishing democracy towards increasing polarisation and sectarianism in the region.
A year on from the Arab Spring, the Islamists have become more powerful because of the popularity that religious political parties – both Sunni and Shia – enjoy among their respective communities. Shifts in the ruling systems of various countries appear to point the same way – the rise of Islamist movements from the dominant faith group to a position of leadership.
Recent elections in Tunisia and Egypt put Sunni Islamist parties ahead. Protests in Morocco led to reforms which resulted in greater power for Sunni Islamist movements, and a similar outcome is expected in Libya. In time, Yemen may also follow suit. The low-key protests which erupt from time to time in Jordan are also led by Islamist groups, mainly Sunni.
Unlike secular parties which separate religion from politics, Sunni and Shia political movement see these matters as two sides of the same coin. Religion is seen as the route to establishing the right way of life, and politics is viewed as a means to enact religious ideals, with no boundaries between the two spheres.
Leaving aside other faiths, the two main schools of Islam do not share a common ideology. Sunni and Shia Islamists are keen to keep within their own religious beliefs, which differ from or even contradict the other group’s beliefs. An example of this is the ritual public display of grief among Shia Muslims for the death of Imam Hussein, including weeping and self-flagellation. This is regarded as “haram” or “forbidden” by Sunnis. Were a Sunni lslamist leadership to ban or denigrate such practices, it would increase sectarian divisions.
It is hardly surprising that Sunni and Shia communities are divided – the tensions began 14 centuries ago. And just as sectarian disputes stretch back through history, ties among each faith community have no respect for borders.
Recent events seem to point to a future in which the region is made up of states in which states with either a Shia or a Sunni majority population are run by governments controlled by the dominant faith group. Across the region, there is not one country that is exclusively Sunni or Shia, so this prospect heightens the risk of conflict as new disputes combine with centuries-old grievances.
In Iraq, the Shia majority took power from the Sunni-dominated regime of Saddam Hussein. In neighbouring Syria, the Sunni majority feels unfairly treated under the rule of the Allawi minority. The same sense of persecution is experienced by the Shia in Bahrain, where they form the majority. Protests continue in Bahrain, and are a cause for concern in Sunni Gulf states, especially with regard to the role of Iran as a Shia-led external player.
A Sunni Islamist satellite channel recently announced a “jihad” against Shia throughout the region, while radical Shia say prophecies predict that they will one day inherit all Muslim lands including now under Sunni control. Such ideological positions only increase the chances of conflict if radicals from either side gain power.
With the likes of the Shia Hezbollah militia in Lebanon and the Sunni Palestinian movement Hamas – both backed by Iran – as well as other smaller insurgent groups scattered across the Middle East and North Africa, the scene is so complex that an armed conflict in one part of the region is likely to spread widely and rapidly.
Democracy is supposed to ease sectarian tensions rather than exacerbate them, and the value it places on human rights should translate into respect for all minorities. But in the fragile systems we are seeing emerge in the region, minority rights will not be automatically protected, and there is a danger that the Arab Spring will lead instead to sectarian violence.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq.
The views expressed in this article are not necessarily the views of IWPR.
As Sunni Islamists gain political power, minority faiths are likely to be vulnerable.
Abeer Mohammed
IWPR Iraq Editor
Protests in the Arab world seem to be moving from the ideal of establishing democracy towards increasing polarisation and sectarianism in the region.
A year on from the Arab Spring, the Islamists have become more powerful because of the popularity that religious political parties – both Sunni and Shia – enjoy among their respective communities. Shifts in the ruling systems of various countries appear to point the same way – the rise of Islamist movements from the dominant faith group to a position of leadership.
Recent elections in Tunisia and Egypt put Sunni Islamist parties ahead. Protests in Morocco led to reforms which resulted in greater power for Sunni Islamist movements, and a similar outcome is expected in Libya. In time, Yemen may also follow suit. The low-key protests which erupt from time to time in Jordan are also led by Islamist groups, mainly Sunni.
Unlike secular parties which separate religion from politics, Sunni and Shia political movement see these matters as two sides of the same coin. Religion is seen as the route to establishing the right way of life, and politics is viewed as a means to enact religious ideals, with no boundaries between the two spheres.
Leaving aside other faiths, the two main schools of Islam do not share a common ideology. Sunni and Shia Islamists are keen to keep within their own religious beliefs, which differ from or even contradict the other group’s beliefs. An example of this is the ritual public display of grief among Shia Muslims for the death of Imam Hussein, including weeping and self-flagellation. This is regarded as “haram” or “forbidden” by Sunnis. Were a Sunni lslamist leadership to ban or denigrate such practices, it would increase sectarian divisions.
It is hardly surprising that Sunni and Shia communities are divided – the tensions began 14 centuries ago. And just as sectarian disputes stretch back through history, ties among each faith community have no respect for borders.
Recent events seem to point to a future in which the region is made up of states in which states with either a Shia or a Sunni majority population are run by governments controlled by the dominant faith group. Across the region, there is not one country that is exclusively Sunni or Shia, so this prospect heightens the risk of conflict as new disputes combine with centuries-old grievances.
In Iraq, the Shia majority took power from the Sunni-dominated regime of Saddam Hussein. In neighbouring Syria, the Sunni majority feels unfairly treated under the rule of the Allawi minority. The same sense of persecution is experienced by the Shia in Bahrain, where they form the majority. Protests continue in Bahrain, and are a cause for concern in Sunni Gulf states, especially with regard to the role of Iran as a Shia-led external player.
A Sunni Islamist satellite channel recently announced a “jihad” against Shia throughout the region, while radical Shia say prophecies predict that they will one day inherit all Muslim lands including now under Sunni control. Such ideological positions only increase the chances of conflict if radicals from either side gain power.
With the likes of the Shia Hezbollah militia in Lebanon and the Sunni Palestinian movement Hamas – both backed by Iran – as well as other smaller insurgent groups scattered across the Middle East and North Africa, the scene is so complex that an armed conflict in one part of the region is likely to spread widely and rapidly.
Democracy is supposed to ease sectarian tensions rather than exacerbate them, and the value it places on human rights should translate into respect for all minorities. But in the fragile systems we are seeing emerge in the region, minority rights will not be automatically protected, and there is a danger that the Arab Spring will lead instead to sectarian violence.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR editor for Iraq.
The views expressed in this article are not necessarily the views of IWPR.
Event seen as key moment for Baghdad as regional player following US withdrawal in December 2011.
Iraqi officials are hoping that hosting the first Arab League summit after the wave of revolutions that swept through the Middle East and North Africa will increase their country’s standing in the region.
“It is very important for Iraq to host this particular summit at this particular time,” Ali al-Mosawi, a media advisor to the Iraqi government, said. He noted that this meeting would see “some officials meet others for the first time” – a reference to new leaders who have emerged from revolutions in Arab states over the last year.
Mosawi said the three-day forum in Baghdad, starting March 29, would discuss the continuing unrest in Syria and Bahrain, and Palestinian issues. Syrian president Bashar al-Assad has not been invited.
The agenda also includes restructuring the Arab League itself, after criticism of the way it has acted over the last year.
“Its hierarchy will be reviewed for the first time since it was established more than 50 years ago,” Mosawi said.
For Iraq, the meeting – especially coming at such crucial moment for the region – presents an opportunity to bolster its relations with the rest of the Arab world.
Baghdad was due to host the event last year, but unrest in several Arab League member states, combined with security concerns in Iraq itself, led to its postponement.
“If Iraq had held the summit last year, most Arab leaders would not have attended,” Osama Murtadha, a professor of political science in Baghdad, said. “Those hostile to Iraq would have stayed away on the pretext that it was an occupied country, and those friendly towards Iraq would also have been unable to attend because they would have faced harsh public criticism for attending a meeting in an occupied country. Simply put, Arabs would have said, ‘How can we discuss our affairs in a country run by foreigners?’”
Iraq has not hosted an Arab League summit since May 1990, months before its then leader Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, an act which alienated the country from many other Arab states.
“This meeting will help us activate our relations with the Arab countries,” Mosawi said, adding, “There has been a disconnect stemming from Saddam Hussein’s poor policies, starting with his invasion of Kuwait.”
After Saddam was toppled in the United States-led invasion of 2003, Iraqis felt further isolated because many other Arab states saw them as being under occupation. With the American troop withdrawal in December 2011, Iraq is hoping to reposition itself as a leading player in the region.
Ahead of the summit, Baghdad has stepped up diplomatic efforts with other states.
The government paid four billion US dollars in compensation to Kuwait last year, and says it is committed to solving other controversial issues like the demarcation of borders with its southern neighbour. It also recently agreed to pay some 408 million dollars to around 640,000 Egyptians who fled Iraq following the first Gulf war.
The warming of relations with Saudi Arabia have been marked by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s declared willingness to visit the country, and the appointment of the Saudi envoy to Jordan to serve as non-resident ambassador to Baghdad. It is the first time there has been Saudi representation in Iraq for more than two decades.
These efforts appear to be paying dividends, as 11 Arab heads of state, including the emir of Kuwait, have already confirmed they will be attending the summit, according to the Iraqi foreign ministry.
Guaranteeing security for such a high-profile event remains a major challenge,
Iraqi leaders have assured delegates that tightened security measures will be in place ahead of and during the summit. Militant attacks still plague the country, and 150 people were killed last month, according to official figures.
Maliki has called on the security forces to improve their working methods and fill any gaps in security in order to “foil the efforts of terrorists”, according to a statement from his office.
The security plan involves deploying thousands of military forces around the capital, shutting down Baghdad’s airspace during the meeting and probably imposing a ban on vehicle movement in the capital.
Experts warn that any diplomatic gains from holding the event in Baghdad would be negated by a serious attack.
“Any breach would send the message that Iraq was a weak country, unable to protect itself without the Americans,” Abdullah al-Kassab, an Iraqi writer and analyst, said. “Overall, it would show up Iraq as irresponsible for endangering the lives of its guests – a stain on its reputation in Arab eyes.”
Mosawi insisted the authorities would prevent this happening, saying, “We are ready and it will be held here.”
Abeer Mohammad is IWPR editor for Iraq.
Event seen as key moment for Baghdad as regional player following US withdrawal in December 2011.
Iraqi officials are hoping that hosting the first Arab League summit after the wave of revolutions that swept through the Middle East and North Africa will increase their country’s standing in the region.
“It is very important for Iraq to host this particular summit at this particular time,” Ali al-Mosawi, a media advisor to the Iraqi government, said. He noted that this meeting would see “some officials meet others for the first time” – a reference to new leaders who have emerged from revolutions in Arab states over the last year.
Mosawi said the three-day forum in Baghdad, starting March 29, would discuss the continuing unrest in Syria and Bahrain, and Palestinian issues. Syrian president Bashar al-Assad has not been invited.
The agenda also includes restructuring the Arab League itself, after criticism of the way it has acted over the last year.
“Its hierarchy will be reviewed for the first time since it was established more than 50 years ago,” Mosawi said.
For Iraq, the meeting – especially coming at such crucial moment for the region – presents an opportunity to bolster its relations with the rest of the Arab world.
Baghdad was due to host the event last year, but unrest in several Arab League member states, combined with security concerns in Iraq itself, led to its postponement.
“If Iraq had held the summit last year, most Arab leaders would not have attended,” Osama Murtadha, a professor of political science in Baghdad, said. “Those hostile to Iraq would have stayed away on the pretext that it was an occupied country, and those friendly towards Iraq would also have been unable to attend because they would have faced harsh public criticism for attending a meeting in an occupied country. Simply put, Arabs would have said, ‘How can we discuss our affairs in a country run by foreigners?’”
Iraq has not hosted an Arab League summit since May 1990, months before its then leader Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, an act which alienated the country from many other Arab states.
“This meeting will help us activate our relations with the Arab countries,” Mosawi said, adding, “There has been a disconnect stemming from Saddam Hussein’s poor policies, starting with his invasion of Kuwait.”
After Saddam was toppled in the United States-led invasion of 2003, Iraqis felt further isolated because many other Arab states saw them as being under occupation. With the American troop withdrawal in December 2011, Iraq is hoping to reposition itself as a leading player in the region.
Ahead of the summit, Baghdad has stepped up diplomatic efforts with other states.
The government paid four billion US dollars in compensation to Kuwait last year, and says it is committed to solving other controversial issues like the demarcation of borders with its southern neighbour. It also recently agreed to pay some 408 million dollars to around 640,000 Egyptians who fled Iraq following the first Gulf war.
The warming of relations with Saudi Arabia have been marked by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s declared willingness to visit the country, and the appointment of the Saudi envoy to Jordan to serve as non-resident ambassador to Baghdad. It is the first time there has been Saudi representation in Iraq for more than two decades.
These efforts appear to be paying dividends, as 11 Arab heads of state, including the emir of Kuwait, have already confirmed they will be attending the summit, according to the Iraqi foreign ministry.
Guaranteeing security for such a high-profile event remains a major challenge,
Iraqi leaders have assured delegates that tightened security measures will be in place ahead of and during the summit. Militant attacks still plague the country, and 150 people were killed last month, according to official figures.
Maliki has called on the security forces to improve their working methods and fill any gaps in security in order to “foil the efforts of terrorists”, according to a statement from his office.
The security plan involves deploying thousands of military forces around the capital, shutting down Baghdad’s airspace during the meeting and probably imposing a ban on vehicle movement in the capital.
Experts warn that any diplomatic gains from holding the event in Baghdad would be negated by a serious attack.
“Any breach would send the message that Iraq was a weak country, unable to protect itself without the Americans,” Abdullah al-Kassab, an Iraqi writer and analyst, said. “Overall, it would show up Iraq as irresponsible for endangering the lives of its guests – a stain on its reputation in Arab eyes.”
Mosawi insisted the authorities would prevent this happening, saying, “We are ready and it will be held here.”
Abeer Mohammad is IWPR editor for Iraq.
Funds to become more readily available after story on concerns of Iraqis living in Syria.
Iraqi migration officials have been prompted to change their policy on helping citizens return to the country by an IWPR report that highlighted the difficulties facing refugees in Syria.
After reading the article Iraqi Refugees in Syria Fear For Future, officials in Baghdad decided to expedite payments to people wanting to return to Iraq.
In 2008, the Iraqi government launched a financial aid programme to help the more than two million refugees who left the country after the 2003 United States-led invasion to return home. According to the United Nations refugee agency UNHCR, half of all Iraqis seeking asylum abroad went to Syria, and nine out of ten refugees in that country are from Iraq.
The deputy minister for migration and displacement, Asghar al-Mosawi, read about the situation facing Iraqi nationals in Syria, in a piece he said stood out for its “simplicity and emotional images”.
As a result, he said, the return and resettlement process would be accelerated so that people could get back to Iraq as soon as possible.
“After reviewing the report, we decided to make more resources available, and to ensure that the money gets to Iraqi families quickly and urgently,” he told IWPR.
Mosawi’s ministry has also sent a team into Syria to work with Baghdad’s embassy and award grants to Iraqi nationals.
Over 6,000 people have been killed in Syria since unrest began in March 2011, according to the United Nations.
Many Iraqis living there anticipate a bloody sectarian war similar to the conflict after Saddam Hussein’s removal in 2003. Nevertheless, some remain uncertain about returning to face continuing instability in Iraq, especially since the withdrawal of US troops in December was followed by an escalation in attacks on civilians.
Iraqi government efforts to encourage people to return have faced criticism, but the migration ministry says this programme is under review following publication of the IWPR story.
“We have taken this [IWPR] report into account…. Sometimes such reports suggest better solutions than the ones we have in mind,” he said, adding that officials sometimes “unintentionally forget about such matters”.
Liqaa Wardi, who chairs the parliamentary committee that oversees the migration and displacement ministry, said, “We hope that getting such reports containing neutral facts and information will help us find solutions.”
Khalid Waleed is an IWPR-trained journalist. Abeer Mohammad is IWPR editor for Iraq.
One year on, rallies run out of steam and few demands have been met.
A year after Iraqis began protesting about poor public services and lack of employment opportunities, activists complain that none of their demands have been met.
At a rally to mark the first anniversary of weekly protests on Baghdad’s Tahrir Square last week, only a few dozen people turned out, and they were heavily outnumbered by armed members of the Iraqi security forces.
Inspired by uprisings elsewhere in the Middle East and North Africa, thousands of Iraqis turned out on Baghdad’s Tahrir Square on February 25, 2011, calling for more jobs and better services.
The demonstrators – most of them young activists and social media users – hoped they could spur the authorities into responding to their demands.
Initially, there were signs it might be working. Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki gave his cabinet 100 days to improve the delivery of services and also promised more work opportunities for young Iraqis.
A year on, however, few improvements are in evidence.
“Unfortunately, the Iraqi protests have failed to make an impact. That’s a shame, in a country that’s supposed to be democratic,” Kadhim al-Meqdadi, a media studies professor and analyst in Baghdad, said. “Last year, I was getting electricity for three hours a day. After more than a year of protests, I still get the same amount.
Government media adviser Ali al-Mosawi said the protestors could not claim to speak for the Iraqi nation as a whole.
“They are a small group of people whose numbers decrease week after week. They do not represent the Iraqi people,” Mosawi said, adding that the government already had programmes in place that would address key public priorities.
Haider Hamzoz, a well-known blogger who has been part of the weekly rallies, said the very fact that people carried on turning up should be seen as a success.
“Although they haven’t achieved what they dreamed of, they keep on protesting, they keep up their weekly attendance, and that’s a good achievement in itself,” he said.
Hamzoz, who was beaten twice last year during demonstrations, claimed that the low attendance figures were a result of the tough security measures adopted by the government.
“How can [numbers] not decrease when a crowd of a few dozen civilians is surrounded by more than 1,000 heavily armed members of the security forces?” he asked. “It’s a terrifying scene for the average citizen.”
Every Friday, Tahrir Square is blocked off to vehicles and pedestrian access is limited to only one entrance, where intensive security checks are imposed.
Mosawi insisted that the only reason for deploying the security forces was to protect people from bombs and terrorist attacks.
The Iraqi government has, however, faced criticism for its handling of the protests.
In its 2012 report, the New York-based group Human Rights Watch said that during nationwide demonstrations on February 25 last year, the security forces killed at least 12 protesters and injured more than 100 across the country. In Baghdad, they beat unarmed journalists and protesters, smashing cameras and confiscating memory cards.
After attending the Baghdad demonstration, Hadi al-Mahdi, a popular radio journalist often critical of government corruption and social inequality, was arrested, blindfolded, and severely beaten by the security forces, along with three other journalists.
On September 8, an unknown assailant shot Mahdi dead at his Baghdad home. Immediately beforehand, he had reportedly received phone and text messages warning him not to return to Tahrir Square. (See Baghdad Dismisses Free Speech Criticism.)
The interior ministry promised to investigate his death, but no one has been charged as yet.
Mosawi dismissed suggestions that government restrictions had curbed the demonstrations, saying this was down to the organisers.
“They failed to attract people and convince them to join rally – it’s their fault,” he said. “So why do they blame the government?
Other commentators say the Tahrir Square protesters lack leadership, common cause, and experience.
A blogger who calls himself Mohammed al-Iraqi said, “At one of those rallies, there were two groups at the same square holding signs about detainees. One group called for their release, and the other demanded their execution.”
Social scientist Abdul Khaliq al-Shemari believes Iraqis have not taken to mass demonstrations because they do not believe it will make a difference.
“Iraqi people have no faith in themselves or in their ability to change,” he said. “America taught the Iraqis that it is others who will bring about change, not them.”
Hamzoz believes that Iraqis could take charge of their own futures by overcoming the barrier of fear built up over past decades.
“That’s one of the lessons these protestors offer to their people in Iraq,” he said.
Abeer Mohammed is IWPR Iraq editor.
BAGHDAD — Soldiers with Company D, 1st “Dragon” Battalion, 63rd Armor Regiment, 2nd Advise and Assist Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, United States Division – Center traveled out to the Qa’qaa range, near Baghdad, the week of June 14 with their counterparts in the 17th Iraqi Army Division’s commando battalion to conduct vehicle-mounted gunnery training, aiding the 17th IA commandos’ ability to fire while on the move in armored vehicles.
The mounted gunnery training is part of a linked group of training modules, also including scout/sniper training, which is scheduled to be showcased at a combined live-fire exercise in July, said Maj. Henry Malinverni, with the Stability Transition Team attached to Company D, 1st Bn., 63rd Armor Regt. at Joint Security Station Deason and a Fort Dix, N.J., native.
CONTINGENCY OPERATING SITE MAREZ, Iraq – Sergeant Major of the Army Raymond F. Chandler III met with senior U.S. Division – North leaders, spoke with Soldiers and witnessed U.S. and Iraqi troops working together during a visit to Contingency Operating Sites Marez and Diamondback in Ninewa province, Iraq, June 23.
As part of his first tour of Iraq since assuming the Army’s top enlisted position March 1, Chandler discussed issues ranging from ending sexual harassment in the Army to new uniform standards with senior noncommissioned officers during a lunch meeting at the COS Marez dining facility, and spoke with Soldiers during a town hall meeting at the COS Diamondback theater.
Chandler asked the Soldiers deployed in support of Operation New Dawn to share their opinions on how to improve the quality of life for themselves and their comrades, and afforded troops the opportunity to ask questions about Army policy.
BAGHDAD — The 151st Expeditionary Signal Battalion, also known as Task Force Palmetto, of the 160th signal Brigade transferred authority to the 50th Signal Brigade (Expeditionary), also known as Task Force Twin Lions, in a ceremony at Al Faw Palace, Camp Victory June 20.
As the last reserve signal unit to enter Iraq, Task Force Palmetto led by Lt. Col. Richard A. Wholey, Jr., a native of Attelboro, Mass., and Command Sgt. Maj. Jewell D. McCullough, a native of Syracuse, N.Y., maintained a forward – stationed, theater signal battalion which operated, maintained and protected the Army theater operational base communications systems in support of CENTCOM forces.
With a successful completion of a mission, the flag bearing the unit colors is ceremoniously encased in a sleeve.
“It seems only yesterday we assumed responsibility,” said Wholey, “I am humbled and give gratitude to our Soldiers for the plethora of phenomenal accomplishments within the past months. It is an honor to witness the experience, dedication and true professionalism my team has brought to this mission.”
CAMP VICTORY— Service members welcomed back to Iraq seven wounded warriors who are participating in Operation Proper Exit X at Al Faw Palace, Camp Victory, Iraq Jun. 26.
Operation Proper Exit is a mission designed for wounded service members of all branches of the military that helps them in the healing process.
“It’s an opportunity for wounded Soldiers, Airmen, Sailors and Marines to come back and see how the country has changed since they were here last and to see all of the hard work, effort and investment here is paying off,” said Richard Kell, the executive director of the Troops First Foundation which spearheads Operation Proper Exit.
During the ceremony in the rotunda of the palace retired Marine 1st Lt. Denis Oliverio, retired Army Staff Sgt. Robert Henline, retired Army Sgt. Kurtis Edelman, retired Army Sgt. Saul Martinez, retired Army Cpl. Jesse Murphree, retired Army Cpl. Steven Patterson and retired Army Pvt. Joshua Joseph each spoke to the more than 200 service members in attendance about the injuries they sustained and how they trying to overcome them.
BAGHDAD—Soldiers with 1st “First Lightning” Battalion, 7th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Advise and Assist Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, United States Division-Center joined members of the 1st Iraqi Federal Police Division to congratulate Soldiers and 1st IFP Div. officers during a graduation ceremony at Joint Security Station Loyalty June 1 after they completed combined Modern Army Combatives Level 1 certification training.
“I am proud of what you accomplished and the sacrifices you made during this course,” said Lt. Col. Andrew C. Gainey, commander of 1st Bn., 7th FA Regt. “Continue to build on your success, continue to trust in the partnership, and continue the respect and understanding of the sacrifices being made to make Iraq a safe place.”
The combatives training course was the brainchild of First Lightning noncommissioned officers to give Soldiers the opportunity to become certified and also to promote camaraderie within their ranks. However, Sgt. Jaime A. Garcia, a human resources noncommissioned officer with Headquarters and Headquarters Battery, 1st Bn., 7th FA Regt. and a San Antonio native, wanted to extend this opportunity to Iraqi police officers involved with partnership training.
BAGHDAD — Soldiers with the 11th Iraqi Army Division are taking the initiative in leading small unit tactics training at Joint Security Station Old MoD, Iraq, as several noncommissioned officers now conduct training sessions on a regular basis.
For these Soldiers, it is preparation for what they will be expected to perform in real-life scenarios.
“When the Soldiers first started training, they carried their weapons very nonchalantly,” said Sgt. Devlin Lasiter, an infantryman and a team leader with Company B, 1st “Vanguard” Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, 2nd Advise and Assist Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, United States Division – Center, and a Hobbs, N.M., native. “The Iraqi trainers teach them the importance of keeping the weapons at the low ready (position). Now, they are trained in full kit and to standard.”
When Company B initially came to JSS Old MoD, their sole focus was that of training the Iraqi Soldiers. Over the past few months, Iraqi leaders have taken over the training with positive results.
BASRAH, Iraq –
Soldiers deployed to Iraq often find it difficult to communicate with local nationals without the use of an interpreter. But there are many communication tools that are easily understood world-wide, such as body language, hand gestures and even music.
One group of Texas National Guardsmen with the 36th Infantry Division deployed to Contingency Operating Base Basra since December, learned how to break down the language barrier by speaking in the universal language of music.
“We’re having classes for faculty and students from the University of Basrah from the fine arts department there,” said Chief Warrant Officer Jeff Lightsey, 36th Inf. Div. band commander. “We’ve had classes our entire deployment here. It’s basically
music classes, music enrichment classes, on Western music. They performed for us on their native instruments and native music. But they are seeking information, background and education on Western music and Western history.”
AL ASAD AIR BASE, Iraq –
More than 700 runners assembled in the desert for a predawn 10-mile run here Oct. 9., to shadow the 27th U.S. Army Ten-Miler race held in Washington, D.C.
“The run was a huge success today,” said Rose McEachin, Al Asad’s Morale, Welfare and Recreation program supervisor. “We’ve done this many times here in Iraq, but this is the first time we’ve had such a huge turnout – thanks to the support from the leadership here.”
Events like this play a huge part in the life of deployed service members.
Many Iraqi refugees who fled to Syria following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 once again fear for their future as the uprising against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad continues.
Many Iraqi refugees who fled to Syria following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 once again fear for their future as the uprising against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad continues.
Many Iraqi refugees who fled to Syria following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 once again fear for their future as the uprising against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad continues.
Iraq’s new media law, the product of several years of debate, is supposed to protect journalists, but it has been the subject of much controversy. Hazim al-Sharaa, an IWPR editor in Iraq, looks at why some fear the legislation will restrict rather than enhance freedom of speech.
After remaining fairly quiet for the last couple of years, Asaib Ahl al-Haq (League of the Righteous) has emerged as a fighting force to be reckoned with, responsible among other things for a rocket attack on Baghdad’s Green Zone on July 4. Emad al-Shara, a local editor with IWPR in Iraq, describes the group’s history, military strength and role in Iraqi politics in a complex and fluid situation.
Amir al-Shimmari became a strange kind of celebrity after the fall of Saddam Hussein, as he emerged from 22 years hiding in a bunker under his house.
